06 · Friedrich A. Hayek

Friedrich Hayek

Friedrich Hayek (1899–1992) was a Viennese economist, a student of Mises, who spent his career at the LSE, Chicago and Freiburg. In the 1930s he fought Keynes over the business cycle (Prices and Production, 1931) and lost. In 1944 he wrote The Road to Serfdom, a warning that central planning leads away from freedom. A year later came his most cited essay, "The Use of Knowledge in Society". Later he moved into law and philosophy (The Constitution of Liberty, Law, Legislation and Liberty, The Fatal Conceit), and he shared the 1974 Nobel Prize. One idea connects all of it: the knowledge a society runs on is scattered among millions of people, and the institutions that work best are the ones that let that knowledge be used without anyone having to collect it.
Hayek's 1945 example: somewhere a tin mine fails. Users of tin around the world cut back, and most of them never learn why. Below, fourteen towns trade tin. Each town's users know only their own circumstances, and those keep changing. Two systems run side by side. In one, local prices and traders move tin between neighbouring towns. In the other, a planning office gets reports from every town, but late and averaged by district. Both run on the same shocks, and both are scored against the allocation an all-knowing observer would choose.
show
planner sees

Price system: every region has its own price; traders ship along roads

day 0
Cornwall$4.51Harbor$4.51Millton$4.51Fenby$4.51Kiln$4.51Ashford$4.51Malaya$4.51Riverton$4.51Oxbow$4.51Bolivia$4.51Canfield$4.51Westmark$4.51Quay$4.51Tannery$4.51

White squares are mines. Circle size = tin used per day, colour = local price (blue normal, amber/red dearer). Grey dots are shipments. Click a mine to close it; click any other town to invent a new local use for tin there.

tin price (avg)
$4.51
started at $4.51
supply
75 t/day
3 of 3 mines
market misallocation
0%
avg 0.0%
planner misallocation
0%
avg 0.0%

Meanwhile, in Tannery

A tinsmith in Tannery, far from every mine, sees only the local price: $4.51. She uses 5.5 t/day and has 5.5 arriving. She doesn't know a mine collapsed, or where. She only knows tin got dearer, so she saves it for her most valuable uses.

Events

  1. Press Play, then collapse a mine.

Misallocation vs. the efficient allocation (% of tin in the wrong place)

price systemplanner (12-day delay, averaged)
0%20%40%60%80%0204060day

Try: press Play and let it settle, then collapse the Malaya mine. Watch the red spread out from Malaya across the roads until Tannery, three towns away, is paying more and using less without anyone telling it why. The planner's quotas are still based on the old supply for 12 days, so the towns at the back of the queue get nothing. Then set the delay to 1 day and let the planner see every region: now it does about as well as the prices. That is Hayek's point. The trouble is not computing power, it is that this fresh, local detail never reaches one desk in time.

Order doesn't need an orderer. In this park, walkers cross between gates and the café. Each follows two local rules, and a network of trails appears that nobody planned. Next to it is the same park with paving laid out in advance by an architect. Hayek calls the first kind of order cosmos and the second taxis. Both are useful. The mistake he warns against is running a whole society as if it were taxis.

Nobody designed these paths

0 trips
west gatenorth gateeast gatesouth gatecafé

Each walker only follows two local rules: always get closer to where you're going, and prefer ground others have already worn. Sandy cells are worn grass; unused trails grow back.

extra distance, grown
+0.0%
vs. walking in a straight line
extra distance, designed
+0.0%
vs. walking in a straight line
grass worn, grown
0.0%
of the park

Raise the pull of trodden paths and trails merge into fewer, busier trunks: walkers accept a small detour to share a path. At zero, every pair of gates gets its own straight line. Both kinds of network are orderly. Only one was planned.

Try: press +600 steps a few times in grown mode and watch a trail network appear, with junctions where routes merge. Switch to designed order: the same walkers on the same trips walk about a third further. Many campuses really do wait a year and then pave the "desire lines" people have worn.

Competition as a discovery procedure

hayek-competition-discovery
Textbook 'perfect competition' assumes everyone already knows the best methods and the true costs. Hayek turned this around: if we knew those things, competition would be pointless. We don't, and competition is how we find out. Here firms search a space of production methods whose costs are hidden until someone tries them. A protected monopolist runs on the same landscape for comparison.
true costs

6 rivals searching, price set by the runner-up

month 0
$2$4$6$8$10$12production methods (nobody knows a method's cost until someone tries it)price $6.48

Dots are firms at their current method and unit cost; grey specks are methods somebody has tried. Faded firms are losing money and close to exit.

price under competition
$6.48
best method found: $5.95
price under monopoly
$9.47
best method found: $5.92
methods tried
6 vs 1
0 firms exited; best possible $3.12

Price paid by consumers

open competitionprotected monopoly
$0$5$100month

Try: press Play with the true costs hidden. The rivals crowd around the traditional method and the price stalls, until an entrant or a wild experiment lands in the deep valley. Then the price drops in steps as rivals copy it and laggards exit. Switch on God's view to see what nobody in the market could see. With 2 rivals, discovery is slower; the monopoly barely searches at all.

The Hayekian triangle: saving, credit and the structure of production

hayek-trianglehayek-forced-savinghayek-malinvestment
In Prices and Production Hayek drew production as a sequence of stages in time: research and mining first, retail last. The interest rate tells entrepreneurs how long a structure society is willing to wait for. If people really save more, the structure can lengthen for good. If cheap credit only imitates that signal, the economy starts building something it can't finish.

Step 1 of 4: Equilibrium

← earlier stagesconsumer goods →miningrefiningmanufacturingwholesaleretail50

Five stages turn raw materials into consumer goods. The interest rate reflects how much people prefer goods now over goods later. Savings exactly fund the goods-in-process at every stage.

new stage funded by saving new stage funded by credit (malinvestment) abandoned
market interest rate
5%
natural rate (time preference) 5%
consumer goods produced
50
started at 50
consumer spending (real)
50
matches output

Try: step through genuine savings and note that consumption first falls (people chose that) and then ends higher. Then switch to credit expansion: the same lengthening starts, but consumer spending never falls, so the economy tries to build the long structure and keep consuming at once.

This Austrian theory of the business cycle, built on Mises's work, is a minority view. Keynesians see slumps mainly as failures of aggregate demand, and monetarists as the result of monetary contraction (Friedman read the 1930s that way). Critics also ask why entrepreneurs don't learn to see through artificially low rates. Its defenders point to credit booms that ended in busts concentrated in long-lived capital such as housing.

The road to serfdom: the planning ratchet

hayek-road-to-serfdomhayek-worst-on-top
Hayek dedicated the book 'to the socialists of all parties'. His claim was not that planners are villains. It was that comprehensive planning sets off a logic of its own: each failure of the plan seems to call for more power over the people whose free choices caused it. Step through it, and stop whenever you like.
step 1/7

The planning ratchet · A popular goal

Voters want security, fairness and an end to waste, and many believe a central plan would deliver them. In the abstract, almost everyone agrees.

power of the planning board5
plan targets met (%)0
personal freedom95
production targetspricesmaterialsjobs & wagestravelpressassociationswho leads

Why the worst get on top

ruthlessscrupulousscruples (grey: all 500 candidates, purple: the 25 who reach the top)
willing to serve
86%
avg scruples, everyone
0.61
avg scruples, top
0.43

Hayek's argument (chapter 10) is about selection, not character: when a job requires coercing people, the scrupulous decline it, and among those who accept, ruthlessness is an advantage. Add that a large, unified following is easiest to build around the lowest common denominator and a common enemy, and the top fills with the people least suited to hold unlimited power.

Try: click through the ratchet. At step 2, click the voter chart to propose a concrete plan and see how few support it. Try abandoning the plan at different steps. Then raise the coercion slider on the right and watch the purple bars slide toward "ruthless".

Rule of law vs. arbitrary commands

hayek-rule-of-lawhayek-nomos-thesis
For Hayek, freedom means being subject to general rules known in advance rather than to someone's will. Rules like that work like the laws of nature: you can plan around them. Below, two identical societies of thirty producers choose how long-range their projects are. One is governed by general rules, the other by discretionary orders that nobody can foresee, with exemptions for favourites.

Rule of law: general rules, known in advance

period 0
h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8h=8
output / period
0
avg project length
8.0
projects lost
0
bad luck only

Discretion: specific orders, unforeseeable

0 orders
h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8h=8★h=8h=8
output / period
0
avg project length
8.0
★ favourites: 8.0
income: ★ vs others
0.0 / 0.0
per head per period

Output per period (smoothed)

rule of lawdiscretionary orders
00.510period

Try: run 300 periods at 30%. Under discretion, projects get wiped out (red), so people learn to plan shorter (smaller h), and short projects are less productive, even in periods when no order comes. The ★ favourites, exempt from orders, keep planning long: equality before the law is part of what makes everyone's plans possible. Set the slider to 0 and the two worlds converge.

Hayek's last book argues that the morals of the market (several property, honesty, contract, trade with strangers) were never designed or fully understood. They spread because the groups that happened to follow them grew larger and richer, and others copied them. Hence the 'fatal conceit': assuming that because we can't see the reason for a rule, it has none.

Sixteen groups, two inherited rules

generation 0
100100100100100100100100100100100100100100100100
property + trade · 1property only · 2trade only · 2communal band · 11
people under property + trade
6%
total population
1,600
started at 1,600
groups with both rules
1 / 16

Share of people living under property + trade rules

0%50%100%0generation

Try: press Play. Groups that happen to combine property with trade support more people and attract migrants, and their neighbours copy them, with no one ever understanding why the rules work. Set imitation to 0: rules now spread only by migration and re-founding, much more slowly. Raise volatility and communal bands, which pool risk, hold out longer.

Hayek's appeal to group selection is one of his most criticised ideas. Biologists dispute how strong group selection can be, and critics note that "whatever survived must be good" can slide into defending any tradition. Hayek's narrower point holds up better: rules can carry knowledge their followers can't state.

Catallaxy, and the argument with Keynes

hayek-catallaxyhayek-keynes-debate
Hayek wanted a word for the market order that wouldn't suggest a household with one purpose. He took 'catallaxy' from the Greek katallattein, which means both 'to exchange' and 'to turn an enemy into a friend'. A catallaxy doesn't need people to agree on what matters most, only on rules. Next to it, a short look at the great macro debate of his career.

24 people, 6 ends, no common goal

0 tradesfilled circle = needs met
farmingmedicinemusicsailingteachingpainting
needs met (avg)
28%
fully provided
0 / 24
nobody ranked anyone's ends

The Hayek–Keynes debate (1931–36)

Hayek (Prices and Production, 1931; LSE)
what causes a slump

The slump is the hangover of a credit boom. Cheap money lured firms into long projects that real savings could not finish.

what to do

Let the malinvestments liquidate and resources move to sustainable uses. Don't repeat the cause with new credit.

what the other side gets wrong

Stimulus may revive spending but builds up the same distortions again, and gives governments open-ended discretion.

Keynes won the policy argument for a generation. Hayek's Nobel (1974, shared with Myrdal) came amid 1970s stagflation, which revived interest in his warnings about inflation and discretion. Most economists today accept parts of both and neither wholesale.

Try: let them trade. People who share no goals still end up serving each other, because each sells what they don't need to whoever happens to need it. Then switch to one scale of ends and change the national priority: someone's purposes always get sacrificed, because a single plan has to decide whose ends count most.

  • takeawayThe economic problem is a knowledge problem. The relevant facts are dispersed, local and always changing. Prices bring them together in a form people can act on, without anyone having to know them all.
  • takeawayMany useful orders are grown, not made: markets, law, language, morals. Competition is how such an order discovers what nobody knew before, and general rules known in advance are what let people make their own plans.
  • takeawayThe danger is the fatal conceit: treating society as an organisation that one mind can direct. Each failure of the central plan seems to call for more power, and the people that power attracts are not the ones you would choose.

Key concepts · 20

Friedrich A. Hayek
  1. The knowledge problem

    The information needed to run an economy never exists in one place; it is dispersed, partial and often contradictory.

    The economic problem is not how to allocate given resources with known data, but how to use knowledge that no single mind possesses. That makes central planning impossible in principle, not just hard.

    “The Use of Knowledge in Society” (1945)

    Soviet GosplanWartime rationing boards
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  2. Knowledge of time and place

    Practical, local, fleeting knowledge: an empty ship returning, a machine half-idle, a stock about to spoil.

    This knowledge can't be put into statistics without losing what makes it useful. By the time it is aggregated and reported it is stale, and the averages hide exactly the local differences that matter.

    “The Use of Knowledge in Society” (1945)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  3. Prices as a telecommunication system

    A price change condenses everything relevant about a resource's scarcity into one number each user can act on.

    Users of tin need not know whether a mine closed or a new use appeared; they only see it got dearer and economise. Hayek: “The marvel is that in a case like that of a scarcity of one raw material … tens of thousands of people … are made to use the material or its products more sparingly.”

    “The Use of Knowledge in Society” (1945)

    1970s oil shocks and fuel economyTin price spikes
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  4. Spontaneous order

    An order that arises from many people following rules and responding to local circumstances, without anyone designing the overall pattern.

    Language, common law, money and markets are all orderly but unplanned. They can be more complex than any designed order because they use more knowledge than any designer has.

    Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 1 (1973)

    Desire paths on campusesEnglish common lawLanguage
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  5. Cosmos and taxis

    Hayek's names for grown order (cosmos) and made order (taxis), such as an organisation with a purpose.

    Organisations are fine within a society; the error is trying to run the whole society as one organisation with a single purpose.

    Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 1 (1973)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  6. Result of human action, not of human design

    Adam Ferguson's phrase, adopted by Hayek, for institutions that nobody invented on purpose.

    It rejects the false choice between ‘natural’ and ‘artificial’: many of our most useful institutions are neither instincts nor deliberate inventions, but evolved practices.

    Studies in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (1967)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  7. Competition as a discovery procedure

    Competition is valuable because it finds out facts (cheapest methods, what people want) that nobody would otherwise know.

    If we already knew the best methods, competition would be wasteful. We don't, so rivalry, imitation and the exit of losers are how a society learns. The ‘perfect competition’ model, which assumes the knowledge is given, misses the point.

    “Competition as a Discovery Procedure” (1968)

    Telecoms after deregulationAirline fares after 1978
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  8. The Hayekian triangle

    A picture of the economy's structure of production: stages from raw materials to consumer goods, with the value of goods-in-process rising at each stage.

    It shows capital as a time structure, not a homogeneous lump. Lower interest rates make longer, more roundabout structures profitable.

    Prices and Production (1931)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  9. Forced saving

    Saving extracted involuntarily through rising prices when credit expansion funds investment that nobody chose to save for.

    It explains how a credit-driven boom can temporarily lengthen production without real saving, and why it can't last: people's time preferences haven't changed.

    Prices and Production (1931)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  10. Malinvestment and the boom-bust cycle

    Investment in projects that only looked profitable because the interest rate was held below its natural level.

    In the Austrian theory of the cycle the bust is the discovery that these projects can't be completed. It is contested: Keynesians and monetarists see recessions mainly as shortfalls of demand or money.

    Prices and Production (1931); Monetary Theory and the Trade Cycle (1929)

    1920s US credit boom2000s US housing
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  11. The road to serfdom

    The argument that comprehensive economic planning tends to require ever more coercive power, ending in the loss of political freedom.

    Not a prediction that any welfare measure leads to tyranny, but that a society committed to one central plan must, step by step, override the people whose choices make the plan fail.

    The Road to Serfdom (1944)

    Weimar to Nazi economic controlsSoviet War Communism
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  12. Why the worst get on top

    Positions of unlimited power in a planned society select for those most willing to use coercion.

    Scrupulous people decline jobs that require ordering others about against their will; ruthlessness becomes a qualification. Mass support is easiest to build on the lowest common denominator and a common enemy.

    The Road to Serfdom (1944), ch. 10

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  13. The rule of law

    Government coercion limited to enforcing general, abstract rules, known in advance and equally binding on everyone, including the government.

    When people can foresee how the state will act, they can plan their own lives. Discretionary commands, even well meant, make long-range planning by individuals impossible.

    The Constitution of Liberty (1960); The Road to Serfdom (1944), ch. 6

    Magna Carta (1215)Retroactive lawsEmergency decrees
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  14. Nomos and thesis

    Nomos: the general law of just conduct that evolves (like common law). Thesis: specific commands of legislation that organise government.

    Hayek feared that modern legislatures, with unlimited power to issue thesis, would crowd out nomos and turn law into a tool for special interests.

    Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 1 (1973)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  15. The extended order

    The worldwide network of cooperation among strangers made possible by rules of property, contract, honesty and trade.

    It lets billions of people serve each other's needs without knowing each other, and it supports far more people than small-band morality could.

    The Fatal Conceit (1988)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  16. Cultural evolution of rules

    Moral and legal rules spread because the groups that follow them prosper and grow, and others imitate them, not because people understood why they work.

    It explains why tradition can contain more wisdom than reason can articulate. Group selection is controversial among biologists, and Hayek's version is loosely specified.

    The Fatal Conceit (1988); Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 3 (1979)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  17. The fatal conceit

    The belief that we can deliberately design a better society from scratch because we designed the institutions we have.

    Hayek: “The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design.”

    The Fatal Conceit (1988)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  18. Constructivist rationalism

    The Cartesian view that all useful institutions are, or should be, deliberate creations of reason.

    Hayek contrasted it with the ‘evolutionary’ rationalism of Hume, Smith and Ferguson, which sees reason itself as shaped by inherited rules it cannot fully examine.

    Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 1 (1973)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  19. Catallaxy

    Hayek's word for the market order: the network of exchanges among people pursuing their own, different ends.

    An ‘economy’ in the strict sense (a household, a firm) serves one hierarchy of ends. A catallaxy serves many incommensurable ends at once and requires agreement only on rules, not on goals.

    Law, Legislation and Liberty, vol. 2 (1976)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  20. The Hayek–Keynes debate

    The 1930s argument over whether slumps come from prior credit-fuelled malinvestment (Hayek) or from deficient aggregate demand (Keynes).

    Keynes's view dominated policy until the 1970s, when stagflation and Hayek's 1974 Nobel revived attention to the risks of inflation and discretionary policy.

    Prices and Production (1931); Keynes, The General Theory (1936)

    ↑ see it in the visualization