08 · Milton Friedman

Milton Friedman

Milton Friedman (1912–2006) led the Chicago school and won the 1976 Nobel Prize. He fought two battles at once. In technical economics he revived the quantity theory of money: with Anna Schwartz he blamed the Great Depression on the Federal Reserve (A Monetary History of the United States, 1963), and in his 1968 presidential address to the American Economic Association he predicted that trading more inflation for less unemployment would end in stagflation, years before it arrived. For the public, in Capitalism and Freedom (1962) and the TV series and book Free to Choose (1980, with Rose Friedman), he argued for choice over control: cash instead of in-kind welfare, vouchers instead of assigned schools, floating exchange rates, the end of the draft. Below, each idea is a model you can push on: print money, run the Fed in 1931, fine-tune the economy, raise the welfare withdrawal rate.
The money stock times how often each unit is spent equals the price level times real output. Written in growth rates, inflation is roughly money growth plus velocity growth minus real growth. Velocity and output are limited in how fast they can change, but money can grow at any rate a government chooses. That is why every very high inflation in history has been a story about money.
presets

Money growth vs inflation, by episode (log scales, compressed above 100k%)

click a dot
−10%−10%0%0%10%10%100%100%1,000%1,000%10k%10k%100k%100k%10B%10B%money growth per yearinflation per yearinflation = money growthJapan 1995–2005JP 95–05Switzerland 1980–2000CHUS 1960sUS 60sUS 1970sUS 70sUK 1970sUK 70sBrazil 1996–2000BR 96–00Israel 1984Israel 1984Brazil 1989BR 1989Brazil 1993BR 1993Argentina 1989Argentina 1989Venezuela 2018Venezuela 2018Zimbabwe 2008Zimbabwe 2008Weimar Germany 1923Weimar 1923your economy
Stylized, rounded figures: orders of magnitude, not precise statistics. Green dots are Brazil.

MV = PY, as growth rates

M
4%
V
0%
P
0.97%
Y
3%

(1+P) = (1+M)(1+V)/(1+Y) · bar lengths on a log scale

inflation
0.97%
per year
money halves in
71.7 y
R$100 after 1 yr
R$99.0
real purchasing power
from money
100%
share of inflation

Try: start at the k-% rule (money grows about as fast as output, so prices are flat). Raise velocity alone: you get a one-off burst, but velocity cannot rise 20% every year forever. Now drag money growth up through the 1970s and Brazil 1993: the blue dot slides up the 45° line, right where the historical episodes sit. Across four orders of magnitude, sustained inflation tracks money growth.

Brazil 1980–2006: six plans, one that worked

annual CPI, log scale
0%10%100%1,000%198019851990199520002005CruzadoBresserVerãoCollorRealTargets
Real (1994): Fiscal adjustment first, the URV to coordinate de-indexation, then a new currency backed by tight money and high interest rates.

Try: click each plan. The freezes attacked the price level directly while money kept growing, and inflation returned within a year. Friedman's point: a price control treats the thermometer, not the fever. (The Real's designers stressed inertial indexation too; the URV broke that inertia, while fiscal and monetary restraint kept inflation from coming back.)

The Great Contraction, 1929–33: the Fed that stood aside

friedman-great-contractionfriedman-lender-of-last-resort
The central chapter of A Monetary History. Waves of bank runs made people hold cash instead of deposits and made banks hoard reserves, so each dollar of central-bank money supported fewer dollars of deposits. The money stock fell by about a third. The Fed had been created to stop exactly this and did almost nothing. Run the history, then rerun it with a Fed that does its job.
the Fed
Mar 1933

360 banks

140 failed
Mar 1933: national bank holiday. The money stock is down about a third from 1929.

Money, prices and output (Aug 1929 = 100)

money stock Mreal outputprice level
6080100Aug 1929Jun 1930Apr 1931Feb 1932Dec 1932
banks failed
39%
money stock
−37%
vs Aug 1929
price level
−28%
real output
−30%
unemployment
26%
money multiplier
3.57
M / H

M = H · (1+c) / (r+c)

Hhigh-powered money (index)116
ccurrency / deposits0.215
rreserves / deposits0.126

Runs push c up (people hold cash) and r up (banks hoard reserves). Both shrink the multiplier. H rose a little; M fell anyway.

Try: play the history and watch the waves of red in late 1930, autumn 1931 and early 1933; the money stock ends about a third lower. Then switch to “lender of last resort”: the same weak banks fail, but runs on sound banks are met with cash, so the panics never spread. Add open-market purchases and money keeps growing. Same 1929 crash, an ordinary recession.

Not everyone accepts the monetary account. Keynesians stress the collapse of spending and investment, others the gold standard that tied every central bank's hands (Eichengreen), or debt deflation (Fisher, Bernanke's own work on lost bank credit). But the policy lesson, don't let the banking system and the money stock collapse, became consensus, and it guided the Fed in 2008 and 2020.

The natural rate: why printing money stops buying jobs

friedman-natural-ratefriedman-expectations-phillipsfriedman-stagflation
In the 1960s many economists read the Phillips curve as a menu: pick a bit more inflation, get a bit less unemployment. Friedman (and Edmund Phelps) said the trade-off only works while inflation surprises people. Once workers expect it, they ask for it in their wages, the curve shifts up, and the central bank must inflate ever faster just to stand still. Step through the years and watch the curve move.
the central bank

Unemployment vs inflation

1959
0%5%10%15%0%2%4%6%8%10%12%unemploymentinflationlong run: vertical at u* = 5.5%short-run curve, expected π = 1.5%

Year by year

inflationexpected inflationunemployment
0510151960197019801990u*
inflation
–
expected
1.5%
what wages were set on
unemployment
–
misery index
–
π + u
what is happening
Press Step year. The central bank wants unemployment below the natural rate, so it surprises people with more inflation than they expected.

Try: play a decade with “hold u below natural” at 4%. Each year the short-run curve shifts up and inflation ratchets higher: the accelerationist result. Fire an oil shock, then switch to “accept natural rate”: high inflation and natural-rate unemployment together, which the old Phillips curve said could not happen. Finally “disinflate”: a painful recession, the Volcker years, until expectations follow inflation down. Raise λ and everything happens faster.

A fool in the shower: long and variable lags

friedman-long-variable-lagsfriedman-k-percent-rule
Money affects spending only after a lag, and the lag itself varies. A policymaker who steers by the latest data is reacting to the past with a tool that will bite in the future. Two economies here face exactly the same velocity shocks: one run by an eager fine-tuner, the other by a dull rule that grows money at a fixed rate.

Fine-tuner (discretion)

coldhottap: money +15.0%freezing (recession)water: -1.5%

k-% rule (money +5%/yr)

coldhottap: money +5.0%too coldwater: 2.4%

Nominal spending growth, % per year

quarter 80
k-% rulefine-tunerfine-tuner's money growth
-50510150204060quartertarget
fine-tuner miss
4.36
RMS gap from target
rule miss
2.31
RMS gap from target

When money acts

now+15 quarters

Share of a money change that reaches spending each quarter afterwards. Friedman estimated six months to two years, varying from episode to episode.

The fine-tuner is reacting to the economy as it was, with tools that will bite after conditions have changed. Its corrections add to the swings.

Try: with a 5-quarter lag, push the reaction past 1: the fine-tuner turns the hot tap all the way, nothing happens, turns it more, then gets scalded and swings to freezing. Drop the lag to 1 and the delay to 0: now gentle discretion beats the rule. The case for a k-percent rule rests on lags being long and unpredictable, and on policymakers not knowing the economy well enough to time their moves.

Permanent income: why a one-off check is mostly saved

friedman-permanent-income
Friedman's 1957 book, the work the Nobel committee cited first. Households care about the income they expect over many years, not just this one, so they spend a steady amount and use savings and borrowing as a buffer. Change the kind of income shock and compare a permanent-income household with one that spends a fixed share of whatever it earned this year.
income change
random good and bad years
can't borrow

Income and consumption, $k per year

measured incomeKeynesian consumer (spends 75% of this year's income)permanent-income consumer
2040608030405060ageshock

Wealth of the permanent-income consumer, $k

0510152030405060
income change
+$20.0k
at age 37
spending change
+$0.7k
permanent-income
MPC that year
0.04
ΔC / ΔY
Keynesian MPC
0.75
fixed by assumption
A one-off $20.0k is spread over the 28 years left, so spending moves by only $0.7k a year. Most of it is saved.

Base earnings $50k a year, 40-year horizon, zero interest, for clarity.

Try: a one-off +$20k bonus barely moves the blue line, while the red Keynesian line jumps by $15k. Switch to a permanent raise and both lines move fully. That is why temporary tax rebates (US 1975, 2001, 2008) stimulate less spending than a simple consumption function predicts. Then set a −$20k one-off with “can't borrow” on: credit constraints are the main reason measured MPCs out of windfalls are often higher than pure theory says.

Four ways to spend money, and programs that never end

friedman-four-waysfriedman-free-lunchfriedman-temporary-programs
From Free to Choose. When you spend your own money on yourself, you care both about what it costs and what you get. Spend it on someone else and you still watch the price, but you care less about, and know less about, what they want. Spend someone else's money on yourself and the price stops mattering. Spend someone else's money on someone else, as government does, and neither matters much. Below, four spenders face the same menu.

The 2 × 2 (average of 300 purchases)

rows: whose money · cols: for whom

Net = value to the person served minus what was spent. Best achievable on average: 19.

One purchase: the menu, and what each spender picks

04080120$0$25$50$75$100value = costcostvalue to the person served
○ your money, on yourself○ your money, on someone else○ someone else's money, on yourself○ someone else's money, on someone else

Try: with default settings, only the top-left spender reliably lands on the item with the best value for money. The expense-account luncher buys the most expensive thing; the bureaucrat buys something pricey that may not suit the recipient at all. Raise “care about someone else's money” to 1 and “know the recipient” to 1: the gap closes. Friedman's argument is that institutions, not virtue, set those two sliders.

“Nothing is so permanent as a temporary government program”

A program created for an emergency builds a constituency that outlasts the emergency. Each one below must win a renewal vote at every sunset date.

12 temporary programs, created in one emergency (budget, log scale)

×0.5×1×2×4×8×16year 0year 10year 20year 30✕✕✕✕

Dotted lines are renewal votes. ✕ = program actually ended.

still running
8 / 12
after 40 years
budget growth
×5.7
survivors, vs year 0
Each year the clientele (beneficiaries, staff, contractors) grows with the budget. At each renewal vote it lobbies hard, while taxpayers, each losing a few dollars, barely notice. Real cases: the US federal telephone excise tax, a wartime measure in 1898 and again in 1914, was not fully ended until 2006; New York's 1943 wartime rent control still exists; the 1954 wool and mohair subsidy was repealed in 1995 and revived in 2002.

Try: lower “concentrated benefits” toward 0 and most programs die at their first vote. Push it up and they survive and compound. Short sunsets help, because they force a vote before the constituency has grown, which is why public-choice economists favour them.

The negative income tax: a floor that never punishes work

friedman-negative-income-taxfriedman-poverty-trap
Capitalism and Freedom proposed replacing the welfare patchwork with one cash transfer run through the tax system. Below the break-even income you receive a payment that shrinks gradually as you earn more; above it you pay tax. Compare it with a scheme that withdraws benefits dollar for dollar, the way many 1960s programs did.
welfare also has an in-kind cliff at 26k

Income after taxes and benefits vs earnings

no taxes, no benefitswelfare (100% withdrawal)negative income tax (50%)
0k20k40k60k0k20k40k60kearned incomethis workerbreak-even 24k

Effective marginal tax rate: share of the next dollar earned that is lost

0%50%100%0k20k40k60k100%: working pays nothing
NIT: take-home
$16,000
welfare: take-home
$12,000
NIT: marginal rate
50%
welfare: marginal rate
100%
NIT: earn $5k more →
+$2,500
welfare: earn $5k more →
+$1,000

The NIT trade-off

receive a subsidy
40%
of a sample population
cost per person
$2,304
per year, all residents

Guarantee = rate × break-even. A generous floor with a gentle phase-out reaches far up the income scale and costs more. You can pick any two of the three; not all three.

Try: with 100% withdrawal, the red line is flat until the benefit runs out: someone earning $0 and someone earning $11k take home the same. That is the poverty trap. Turn on the cliff and earning more past 26k actually lowers income. The blue NIT line always slopes up, so work always pays. Now lower the NIT rate to 25% and watch the break-even and the cost climb.

School vouchers: money follows the student

friedman-school-vouchers
Friedman separated paying for schooling from running schools. The state can guarantee every child's education by funding it, but give the money to families as a voucher they can take to any school. Then schools gain and lose pupils, and the funding that comes with them. Here the same town is run both ways side by side.
year 0

Assigned by address

8 schools
5928547776425964
square = school (number = quality, size = pupils) · dot = child, colored by their school

Vouchers: money follows the student

8 schools
5928547776425964
square = school (number = quality, size = pupils) · dot = child, colored by their school

Average quality of the school a child attends

assignedvouchers
204060801000102030yearfailing
assigned: avg
57
vouchers: avg
57
assigned: in failing
14%
school quality < 40
vouchers: in failing
14%
schools closed
0
under vouchers, each replaced by an entrant
assigned: worst
28
school someone must attend

Try: play 30 years. Under assignment, a bad school keeps its pupils whatever it does, so quality just drifts. Under vouchers, families leave weak schools, which must improve or close, and entrants copy what works. Raise “mind distance”: in a sparse or rural town choice is weaker, and so is the pressure. (The model assumes families can judge quality; that assumption is where most of the real debate lies.)

The evidence is genuinely mixed. Studies of Milwaukee and Florida find modest competitive gains for public schools; Chile's and Sweden's nationwide systems raised enrollment and choice but also sorting by income; some recent US programs (Louisiana, Indiana) showed test-score losses at first. Friedman's supporters answer that most programs are small and heavily regulated, far from his universal voucher.
  • takeawaySustained inflation comes from sustained money growth, and depressions can come from money collapsing. Whoever controls money is responsible for both, so central banks should follow stable, predictable rules rather than discretion.
  • takeawayExpectations limit what policy can do. Unemployment can be held below its natural rate only by inflation that keeps surprising people, and households spend on their long-run income, so short-lived stimulus achieves less than it seems to.
  • takeawayIncentives depend on whose money is spent and on whom. Friedman's policy proposals (the negative income tax, vouchers, sunset clauses) all try to put the choice, and the cost, back with the person affected.

Key concepts · 20

Milton Friedman
  1. Quantity theory of money (MV = PY)

    Money times its velocity equals the price level times real output, so in growth rates inflation ≈ money growth + velocity growth − output growth.

    Friedman restated the old identity as a theory of the demand for money: because people's desired money holdings are fairly stable, sustained changes in the money stock show up in nominal income, and in the long run in prices.

    Studies in the Quantity Theory of Money (1956)

    US 1970s: ~10% money growth, ~7% inflationSwitzerland: steady money, steady prices
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  2. "Always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon"

    Sustained inflation happens only when the quantity of money grows faster than output.

    Oil shocks, unions or greedy firms can raise some prices or the price level once, but cannot keep it rising year after year unless money accommodates them. That puts responsibility for inflation on whoever controls the money supply. Critics note money demand became unstable after the 1980s, weakening the short-run link.

    Money Mischief (1992); first stated in the 1963 lecture "Inflation: Causes and Consequences"

    Weimar Germany 1923Zimbabwe 2008Venezuela 2018Brazil 1993: ~2,500% a year
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  3. Price controls do not cure inflation

    Freezing prices while money keeps growing suppresses the symptom, producing shortages, and inflation returns when the freeze ends.

    Friedman opposed Nixon's 1971 wage and price controls for exactly this reason. Brazil's repeated freezes in 1986–91 fit the pattern; the 1994 Plano Real worked once fiscal and monetary restraint backed it.

    Newsweek columns (1966–84); Free to Choose (1980), ch. 9

    Nixon controls 1971–74Plano Cruzado 1986Plano Collor 1990Plano Real 1994
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  4. The Great Contraction

    From 1929 to 1933 the US money stock fell by about a third as waves of bank runs shrank deposits, and nominal income collapsed with it.

    Friedman and Schwartz argued the Depression was not proof that markets are unstable, but of a monetary failure: the Fed had the tools to stop the decline and did not use them. Ben Bernanke, as Fed governor in 2002, told Friedman: "You're right, we did it. We're very sorry."

    A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960 (1963, with Anna Schwartz), ch. 7

    Bank of United States failure, Dec 1930Fed discount-rate hike, Oct 1931Bank holiday, Mar 1933
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  5. Lender of last resort

    A central bank that lends freely to solvent but illiquid banks in a panic, so runs cannot spread from weak banks to sound ones.

    In the Friedman–Schwartz account, runs raised the public's currency/deposit ratio and banks' reserve ratio, so the money multiplier collapsed while high-powered money barely moved. Supplying reserves would have offset it. The 2008 Fed response was explicitly shaped by this lesson.

    A Monetary History of the United States (1963)

    Fed passivity 1930–33Fed liquidity facilities 2008Walter Bagehot, Lombard Street (1873)
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  6. Natural rate of unemployment

    The unemployment rate the economy settles at when expectations are correct, set by real factors such as job search, skills mismatch and labor-market rules.

    Monetary policy can push unemployment below it only by fooling people, and only temporarily. To lower the natural rate itself you need real reforms, not more money.

    "The Role of Monetary Policy", AEA presidential address (1968)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  7. Expectations-augmented Phillips curve

    The trade-off between inflation and unemployment exists only for inflation people did not expect; there is no lasting trade-off.

    As people come to expect the higher inflation, wage demands rise, the short-run curve shifts up, and holding unemployment down requires ever faster inflation (the accelerationist result). Friedman and Edmund Phelps predicted this before the 1970s confirmed it.

    "The Role of Monetary Policy" (1968); Nobel lecture "Inflation and Unemployment" (1976)

    US 1965–1980UK 1970s
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  8. Stagflation

    High inflation and high unemployment at the same time.

    The original Phillips curve said this could not happen. With expectations built in it is natural: once inflation is expected, it persists even at the natural rate, and supply shocks or disinflation add unemployment on top. Ending it took the painful Volcker disinflation of 1979–82.

    Nobel lecture "Inflation and Unemployment" (1976)

    US 1974–75 and 1979–80Volcker disinflation 1979–82
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  9. Long and variable lags

    Monetary policy affects spending only after a delay that is long (roughly 6 to 18 months or more) and that varies unpredictably.

    A policymaker reacting to current data is like a fool in the shower: by the time the hot water arrives he has turned the tap too far, and he scalds himself. Activist fine-tuning can amplify the cycle it is trying to smooth.

    A Program for Monetary Stability (1960); "The Lag in Effect of Monetary Policy" (1961)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  10. k-percent rule

    Grow the money supply at a fixed, announced rate every year, roughly the economy's long-run real growth rate.

    A rule cannot overreact, cannot be pressured, and gives everyone a stable expectation. Money demand turned unstable in the 1980s and targets were dropped, but the idea that central banks should follow predictable rules lives on in inflation targeting and the Taylor rule.

    A Program for Monetary Stability (1960)

    Bundesbank money targets 1975–98Fed and Bank of England monetarist experiments 1979–82
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  11. Permanent income hypothesis

    People base their spending on their long-run expected income, not on this year's income, so they save windfalls and borrow through bad years.

    Consumption is smoother than income, and temporary tax rebates stimulate much less than a simple Keynesian consumption function predicts. Measured responses to windfalls are often larger than the pure theory says, largely because many households cannot borrow.

    A Theory of the Consumption Function (1957)

    1975 US tax rebate2001 and 2008 rebate checks
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  12. Four ways to spend money

    Your money on yourself (care about cost and value), your money on others (cost), others' money on yourself (value), others' money on others (neither).

    Most government spending falls in the fourth box, where nobody involved has a strong reason to economize or to get good value. The problem is incentives and information, not bad people.

    Free to Choose (1980, with Rose Friedman), ch. 4

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  13. "Nothing is so permanent as a temporary government program"

    Programs launched for an emergency acquire beneficiaries, staff and lobbies that keep them alive after the emergency ends.

    Concentrated benefits organize; diffuse costs do not. Each renewal vote pits a motivated clientele against taxpayers who each lose a few dollars. Friedman himself helped design wartime income-tax withholding at the Treasury in 1942–43, and later regretted that it outlived the war.

    Tyranny of the Status Quo (1984, with Rose Friedman)

    Federal telephone excise tax: wartime 1898, reimposed 1914, fully ended 2006NYC rent control since 1943Wool and mohair subsidy 1954–95, revived 2002
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  14. There's no such thing as a free lunch

    Everything has a cost; if you do not pay for something directly, someone pays for it, through taxes, inflation or forgone alternatives.

    Programs that look free hide their costs in the fourth box of spending. Friedman used the old saloon phrase as the title of a 1975 book of essays.

    There's No Such Thing as a Free Lunch (1975)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  15. Negative income tax

    Replace the patchwork of welfare programs with a single cash payment that tapers off gradually as earnings rise.

    It guarantees a floor, treats recipients as adults who can spend cash, cuts bureaucracy, and, unlike benefits withdrawn dollar for dollar, always leaves people better off for working more. The US EITC is a partial descendant. The catch: any two of a generous floor, a low taper and a low cost; not all three.

    Capitalism and Freedom (1962), ch. 12

    US EITC (1975)US NIT experiments 1968–82Brazil's Bolsa Família (cash, not in-kind)
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  16. Poverty trap (effective marginal tax rate)

    When benefits are withdrawn as earnings rise, the effective tax on extra earnings can reach 100% or more.

    If earning $5,000 more leaves you no better off, staying on welfare is rational. Friedman argued such schemes punish exactly the work that leads out of poverty.

    Free to Choose (1980), ch. 4

    Benefit cliffs in US Medicaid and housing aidUK benefit withdrawal before Universal Credit
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  17. School vouchers

    Government funds education, but gives the money to families as a voucher they can spend at any approved school.

    Financing schooling does not require running the schools. When money follows the student, schools compete for pupils and poor families get the choice richer ones already have by moving house. Evidence from Chile, Sweden and US programs is mixed and hotly debated.

    "The Role of Government in Education" (1955); Capitalism and Freedom (1962), ch. 6

    Milwaukee 1990Chile 1981Sweden 1992Arizona ESAs 2022
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  18. Economic freedom as a condition of political freedom

    A competitive market economy disperses power, which makes political freedom possible.

    When the state is the only employer, dissent has nowhere to earn a living. Markets let people cooperate without agreeing on everything, which reduces how much has to be decided politically.

    Capitalism and Freedom (1962), ch. 1

    Hollywood blacklist: blacklisted writers kept working under pseudonymsChile and Taiwan: markets first, democracy later
  19. The social responsibility of business is to increase its profits

    Managers are agents of shareholders; spending the firm's money on causes of their own choosing is taxing owners, customers or workers without their consent.

    Within the rules of the game (open competition, no fraud), profit-seeking serves society. Social goals should be chosen by individuals with their own money or by democratic process, not by executives. The essay is the classic statement of shareholder primacy, now argued against by stakeholder and ESG views.

    New York Times Magazine, 13 September 1970

  20. Floating exchange rates

    Let currency prices be set by the market instead of pegging them.

    A fixed rate forces domestic money and prices to adjust to defend the peg, often through recession; a floating rate absorbs shocks and frees monetary policy. The Bretton Woods system ended in 1971–73, as Friedman had urged since 1953.

    "The Case for Flexible Exchange Rates" (1953)

    End of Bretton Woods 1971–73Brazil's float, January 1999UK leaves the ERM 1992