02 · Adam Smith

Adam Smith

Adam Smith (1723–1790) was a professor of moral philosophy at Glasgow and a central figure of the Scottish Enlightenment. His Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) asked how self-interested people come to judge and restrain themselves. The Wealth of Nations (1776) asked why some nations grow rich. His answer was the division of labor, widened by markets and coordinated by prices, rather than gold hoards, monopolies and state plans. The models below build his arguments from the ground up: a pin factory, a market of traders with private values, a trade war, a village with and without a conscience.

The pin factory: division of labor and the extent of the market

smith-division-of-laborsmith-three-causessmith-extent-of-market
Pin-making has about eighteen operations. Hand them to more workers and each one does fewer of them, with three effects: dexterity from repetition, no time lost switching, and machines invented by people focused on one job. But a shop can only keep as many specialists as the market will buy from.
Smith's three causes:

The pin factory

10 workers split 18 operations
2 ops2 ops2 ops2 opswhiten2 ops2 ops2 ops2 opsbox
draw wirestraightencutpointgrind topmake head (1)make head (2)fit headwhitenpolishinspectpaper (1)paper (2)stick in paperfoldwraplabelbox
pins per worker / day
4,760
238× a lone pin-maker (20)
shop output / day
47,596
specialization
76%
each worker does 2 of 18 ops
market limit
not binding
market buys up to 100,000/day

Output per worker by shop size (the market cuts it off)

12023456789104,76011121314151617189,600workers → (dark bars: the shop would make more pins than the market buys)

Try: 10 workers with a large market gives roughly Smith's own figure of 4,800 pins per worker (48,000 for the shop). Turn off the three causes one at a time to see what each adds. Then shrink the market to a village (about 100 pins a day): no shop can keep ten specialists busy, and production falls back to a lone generalist.

The invisible hand: a market finds a price nobody knows

smith-invisible-hand
Twenty buyers each have a private value, and twenty sellers each a private cost. They shout bids and asks in a continuous double auction, and a trade happens whenever a bid meets an ask. Nobody sees the supply and demand curves, and nobody is trying to reach equilibrium or maximize total gains.

Every trade, in order

day 1
050100150200010203040trade #priceequilibrium ≈ 99 (nobody knows this)
last day avg price
—
equilibrium 88–109
trades last day
—
equilibrium quantity 11
efficiency (5 days)
—
surplus realized ÷ max possible
standing bid / ask
— / —

The hidden schedules

buyers' values (demand)sellers' costs (supply)q* = 11

Daily efficiency

0%50%100%day

Try: open the market with zero-intelligence traders. Each one knows only its own value or cost and shouts random prices, never trading at a loss, yet prices settle near the equilibrium and the market captures most of the possible gains. Then shift demand by +40 while it runs: prices find the new level within a day or two, with no one telling anyone what changed.

This is the setup of Vernon Smith's classroom experiments (Nobel 2002), and Gode and Sunder later showed that even traders who bid at random, constrained only by their budgets, reach high efficiency. Much of the work is done by the market's rules, not by the traders' intelligence. The usual caveats apply: with monopoly, external costs or badly missing information, the hand can push the wrong way.

Not from the benevolence of the butcher

smith-self-lovesmith-propensity-to-truck
Four butchers, four brewers and four bakers each start with thirty units of what they make and nothing else. They meet at random and trade one unit at a time, only at a ratio both sides accept. Each values variety (the tenth loaf is worth less than the first cut of meat), and each has slightly different tastes.

Butchers, brewers and bakers

0 exchanges
BuBrBaBuBrBaBuBrBaBuBrBa
meatbeerbreadbar = what each holds · ring green/red = better/worse off than at the start
better off
0 / 12
worse off
0 / 12
exchanges that hurt someone
0
zero: nobody agrees to a loss
total welfare
37.7
started at 37.7

Total welfare (sum of everyone's own valuation)

0102030400meeting #each eats only what he makes

Try: open the market. Each butcher starts with 30 cuts of meat and nothing else, and trades only at a ratio that suits both sides. Every ring turns green and no exchange ever hurts anyone. Reset and switch to imposed swaps: goods still move around, but some people end up worse off, and welfare rises more slowly or falls.

Black cloth has a natural price that just covers wages, rent and ordinary profit. The market price is whatever clears the cloth actually brought to market. When it is above the natural price, extra profit draws in more weavers. When it is below, some leave. Shock the market and watch the price gravitate back, unless entry is barred.

Market price of black cloth

period 0
01020300204060periodpricenatural price 10 = wages 5 + rent 2 + profit 3
02040600204060periodweavers
market price
10.00
natural price
10
the cost of bringing it to market
profit per bolt
3.00
ordinary rate: 3
weavers
40
400 bolts a period

Try: press “public mourning” (Smith's own example). The price jumps, weavers earn more than ordinary profit, newcomers enter, and the price sinks back to the natural price. Now switch on the guild and repeat: newcomers are kept out, so the high price and extra profit stay for as long as the demand does.

England makes cloth cheaply, Portugal makes wine cheaply, and trade lets each family have twice what it could make alone. Mercantilist policy aims at a 'favorable balance': ban imports and pay bounties on exports so gold flows in. Two scoreboards track the result: the treasury's and the household's.

The mercantilist scoreboard: gold

England's gold
200
balance of trade
0.0 / yr
balanced

No gold flowing in: by this measure, nothing is being gained.

Smith's scoreboard: what families consume

English family
50.0 + 50.0
cloth + wine · free-trade level
Portuguese family
50.0 + 50.0
wine + cloth

Each country makes what it is best at and trades: both consume double what they could alone.

Consumption per family (units of each good)

England now
50.0
Portugal now
50.0
free trade (both)
50.0
no trade (autarky)
25.0

England: cloth 1 day, wine 3 days. Portugal: wine 1 day, cloth 3 days. 100 days of labor each. Each would make cloth and wine at home only if it could not buy them cheaper abroad.

Gold and goods over the years

England's goldEnglish consumption ×4
01002003004000year

Try: raise the export bounty to 60% and run the years. Gold piles up and the balance of trade looks “favorable,” while English families consume less. Ban wine imports and they lose more, because labor moves to making wine badly at home. Turn on retaliation and both countries slide toward the no-trade level. (Hume added that the incoming gold would also raise English prices and erode the surplus by itself.)

In each round everyone deals with a partner and can deal fairly or cheat. Cheating pays more in any single deal. People drift toward the habits of neighbors who are doing better. Two things can change the outcome: being known (in a village, honest people refuse known cheats) and the impartial spectator, the inner judge whose approval and reproach people feel whether anyone is watching or not.

112 people dealing with each other

round 0
color = habit of fair dealing (red: usually cheats, green: usually honest)
fair dealing
40%
material payoff / round
0.00
all cheat: ~2 · all honest: ~6
temptation to cheat
+2
5 instead of 3 against an honest partner
spectator's verdict
silent
felt approval or self-reproach per deal

Fair dealing over time

0%50%100%round

Try: in the anonymous city with the spectator silent, cheating takes over. Switch to the village: once cheats are known and refused, honesty pays and spreads even with no conscience at all. Back in the city, raise the spectator's weight past about 1: people who judge themselves as a fair observer would judge them deal honestly even when nobody is watching.

The man of system and the chess-board

smith-man-of-systemsmith-natural-liberty
A planner draws a neat design and pushes the pieces toward it. Unlike chess pieces, these have a principle of motion of their own: each heads for a square it chose itself. When the plan and their aims agree, the game goes easily. When they are opposed, Smith predicted disorder.

The great chess-board of human society

move 0
dashed circle = where each piece wants to go · blue square = where the plan puts it (if different)
plan achieved
0%
pieces where the planner put them
people where they want to be
0%
friction
0.0
collisions per move
plan vs aims
12/12 differ

Plan achieved vs people satisfied

plan achievedpeople where they want to be
0%50%100%move

Try: press Play with force at 60% and a plan that ignores everyone (0/12). Pieces pulled two ways end up neither where the plan wants nor where they want, and collide constantly, which is Smith's “highest degree of disorder.” Set force to 100% and real chess pieces obey, at the cost of every one of their aims. Slide the plan to 12/12 and both lines reach 100%. Then turn on changing circumstances: aims move, and the written plan falls out of date.

  • takeawayWealth is what people produce and consume, not the gold in the treasury. It grows through the division of labor, which needs wide markets, so trade barriers make nations poorer.
  • takeawaySelf-interested exchange is mutually beneficial, and competition pulls market prices toward the natural price. Coordination emerges that no one intended, unless privilege or monopoly blocks entry.
  • takeawaySmith was a moral philosopher first. Sympathy and the impartial spectator restrain self-interest from within, and the man of system who ignores people's own aims produces disorder.

Key concepts · 18

Adam Smith
  1. Division of labor

    Splitting production into many specialized tasks, each done by a different worker.

    Smith opens the Wealth of Nations with it as the main cause of growth in the productive powers of labor. Ten workers dividing pin-making made about 48,000 pins a day, where each alone might not have made twenty.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    Pin manufactories of 18th-century FranceFord's moving assembly line (1913)
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  2. Three sources of the gain

    Specialization raises output through greater dexterity from repetition, time saved in switching between tasks, and machines invented by people focused on one task.

    It explains why the gain is so much larger than the sum of the workers. Smith also warned that a life spent on a few simple operations could dull the mind, and wanted public schooling to counter it.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  3. Limited by the extent of the market

    How far labor can be divided depends on how much the market can absorb: a village cannot support a full-time pin-maker.

    It ties specialization to trade, transport and population, and explains why commerce first flourished along coasts and navigable rivers. Wider markets, whether from canals or free trade, make deeper specialization possible.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    Coastal and river trade (Smith's own example)Containerization (1960s–)Internet niche markets
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  4. Propensity to truck, barter and exchange

    A disposition in human nature to trade one thing for another, which gives rise to the division of labor.

    Smith grounds the market in ordinary human behavior, not in any plan. 'Nobody ever saw a dog make a fair and deliberate exchange of one bone for another with another dog.'

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  5. The butcher, the brewer and the baker

    "It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest."

    In voluntary exchange each side must offer something the other values more than what he gives up, so both gain. This does not deny benevolence; it notes that in a large society we depend on the cooperation of strangers we could never befriend.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  6. The invisible hand

    Individuals pursuing their own gain are 'led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of their intention.'

    Smith uses the phrase only three times. It names the idea that good social outcomes (prices that clear markets, capital flowing where it is most valued) can come from decentralized choices. Later economists made it precise, and also specified when it fails: monopoly, externalities, missing information.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    Vernon Smith's classroom market experiments (1962)Gode & Sunder's zero-intelligence traders (1993)
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  7. Natural price

    The price that just pays the rent, wages and profit needed to bring a good to market, each at its ordinary rate.

    It is the 'central price, to which the prices of all commodities are continually gravitating.' Above it, extra profit draws in labor and capital; below it, they leave.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  8. Market price and effectual demand

    The actual price at any moment, set by the quantity brought to market relative to the demand of those willing to pay the natural price.

    Smith's example: a public mourning raises the price of black cloth. The market price can be far from the natural price for a while, but competition pulls it back.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  9. Monopoly and exclusive privileges

    Guilds, corporations and exclusive privileges keep the market understocked, so price stays above the natural price for as long as the privilege lasts.

    Smith's distrust aimed at merchants seeking government favors as much as at governments: 'People of the same trade seldom meet together... but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public.'

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    East India CompanyMedieval craft guildsStatute of Apprentices (1563)
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  10. Critique of the mercantile system

    Mercantilism treated wealth as gold and silver and pursued a favorable balance of trade through import restrictions and export bounties.

    Smith argued this confused money with wealth and taxed consumers to enrich favored producers. The system was, in his account, largely designed by merchants and manufacturers for their own benefit.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    Navigation ActsCorn Laws (repealed 1846)Methuen Treaty (1703)
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  11. Wealth as the annual produce

    The real wealth of a nation is the annual produce of its land and labor, the necessaries and conveniences people consume.

    It moved the scoreboard from the treasury to the household. GDP-style accounting descends from this idea.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  12. Consumption is the sole end of production

    "Consumption is the sole end and purpose of all production; and the interest of the producer ought to be attended to only so far as it may be necessary for promoting that of the consumer."

    Smith's test for trade policy: does it let people consume more? Tariffs and bounties fail it even when they protect particular producers.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  13. Absolute advantage and trade

    If a foreign country can supply a good cheaper than we can make it, better to buy it with part of what we produce best.

    'It is the maxim of every prudent master of a family, never to attempt to make at home what it will cost him more to make than to buy.' Ricardo later showed trade pays even without any absolute advantage.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    Scottish wine from hothouses (Smith's reductio)
    ↑ see it in the visualization
  14. Sympathy

    Our capacity to imagine ourselves in another's situation and feel something of what they feel.

    In the Moral Sentiments, sympathy, not self-interest, is the foundation of moral judgment. The same Smith who wrote about the butcher began with fellow-feeling.

    The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  15. The impartial spectator

    The imagined fair, well-informed observer, the 'man within the breast', by whose eyes we judge our own conduct.

    It explains how people come to act decently when nobody is watching: we want to be not just praised, but praiseworthy. Social life builds this conscience; it then works even in anonymity.

    The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  16. Commerce and probity

    Where people deal with each other repeatedly, a reputation for honesty is valuable, so commercial societies tend to make people more reliable in keeping their word.

    Smith noted in his lectures that the Dutch, the most commercial people, were the most faithful to their word. Reputation and conscience reinforce each other.

    Lectures on Jurisprudence (1763)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  17. The man of system

    The planner who imagines he can arrange the members of society as easily as a hand arranges pieces on a chess-board.

    In society every piece 'has a principle of motion of its own.' Where it agrees with the legislator's plan, things go smoothly; where it is opposed, 'the society must be at all times in the highest degree of disorder.'

    The Theory of Moral Sentiments, 6th ed. (1790)

    ↑ see it in the visualization
  18. System of natural liberty

    Once preferences and restraints are removed, 'the obvious and simple system of natural liberty establishes itself of its own accord.' The sovereign keeps three duties: defense, justice, and certain public works and institutions.

    It is a limited, not an absent, state. Smith supported public roads, canals, basic schooling and some regulation, so he is cited by many traditions, not only libertarians.

    The Wealth of Nations (1776)

    ↑ see it in the visualization